After Jîna Emînî: The demand for freedom has deepened!

2025-09-15 12:47:18


	 

	 

	Melek Avcı

	 

	ANKARA - Iranian activist Shaghayegh Noruzi, recounting the three years since Jîna Emînî's murder and the current struggle, said, “Women's faces have changed, the demand for freedom has deepened, but the opposition is still lacking.” 

	 

	In Iran, the uprising that began with the slogan “Jin jiyan azadî” after the Kurdish woman Jîna Emînî was detained on September 13, 2022, and murdered on September 16, 2022, has entered its third year. As we approach the anniversary, the women's struggle is intensifying in Iran, while developments in the Middle East are also affecting these forms of resistance and action.

	 

	Iranian human rights activist Shaghayegh Noruzi answered JINNEWS' questions about the progress made in three years and the current struggle. 

	 

	
		“Alongside the awareness we have achieved regarding women's rights, women's lives and freedom, if you look at Iranian society and the streets of Iran today, you can see that the face of the streets has changed, that women no longer accept any oppression.”


	 

	*As we enter the third year of the “Jin jiyan azadî” protests, how would you describe the current mood of society? Has participation in these protests changed? Has the approach changed?

	 

	Now, as we speak, it's the third anniversary, and lots of things have happened. One of the most important things that happened was the attack on Iran by Israel. I can tell that this event changed things, but it also brought a new kind of awareness to Iranian society. After the third anniversary, I believe the main achievement of freedom in life is this knowledge and awareness that the Iranian opposition needs to work. I mean, the opposition had many weaknesses in terms of analysis, political understanding, and strategy. What I'm trying to say is that, besides all the things we achieved for women's rights and freedom, nowadays, if you look at Iranian society and its streets, you'll see that women don't accept demands anymore. This is a big achievement. In my opinion, the biggest achievement is that the Iranian society still doesn't have a strong opposition. I can reiterate that the opposition lacks strength in terms of analysis, political understanding, and even mobilization. 

	 

	During these three years, there was very little effort to address this weakness of the opposition. I think the opposition still doesn't fully understand this important weakness of ours, and we don't see any clear aim for addressing this issue after the Israeli attack. Again, this brings up the issue of the opposition within Iranian society that wants to fight against the Islamic Republic regime. They have made it clear that they want to replace this regime with another. In reality, they don't have a clear structure. In my opinion, after three years, we can see that people are still doing their best, as they did after Israel attacked Iran. They chose the best option. They didn't stand against a foreign air attack. However, we could see that the opposition doesn't have a clear methodology or argument about important issues. 

	 

	So yes, I think this is where we are now: people with clever minds and strong beliefs in change, in a better life, in democracy, and in human rights. But the big loss is that we still don't have an opposition that can answer these people's movement. 

	 

	
		“For now, they are continuing their decision not to exert significant pressure on women regarding compulsory headscarves. However, on the other hand, we see that they have not abandoned the death penalty and arrests, and that they are applying these two main punishments.”


	 

	* We observe that the government is simultaneously increasing its mechanisms of pressure and violence alongside the protests. What is the nature of these waves of arrests and pressure?

	 

	The highest effect of the governmental pressure that we experienced it was short time after the movement. Of course, the period of time at the end of the movement and months after it was the time when the operation was at its peak. There were lots of arrests and death penalties. On the other hand, I must admit that the pressure on women decreased. This was clearly because the government didn't want to press this button and provoke women by oppressing them with other violent actions. As I mentioned, during that time, it seems that they still had the decision not to put pressure on women about the mandatory hijab, so this is something that they want to maintain. But the pressure to arrest and impose that penalty is still ongoing after the attack on Iran by Israel. It increased with the claim of finding people who work for Israel inside the country.

	 

	Unfortunately, I can tell you that, in this case, it has become very complicated for society to understand what is happening. When it happened in the context of "women, life and freedom", it was clear to us that they were arresting "women life freedom" fighters. They were arresting one of us. I don't want to see this change completely. I don't want to say this, but I can tell you that, after the kind of attack that Israel carried out, it was a strange terrorist attack because Israel attacked Iran with access and influence that they had established inside the country beforehand, as well as with drones that they had brought into the country. The attack started from inside the country, not from outside the border. This affected society. 

	 

	They hired a lot of Iranians for this attack. After the attack, I want to tell you that when they arrested these people, they said it was because they were spies working for Israel. I don't think people completely accept this, but it happened. Some doubt it. This was the result of a foreign attack. You know, I just want to tell you that, even regarding oppression, the Israeli attack affected the way people resisted oppression. This is very bad. Unfortunately, this is the normal result of a foreign attack: people suddenly change their minds about many things. Unfortunately, this happened even when we came to Jîna’ protests.

	 

	* Considering Jîna Emini's Kurdish identity, what are your observations regarding the place of these actions in the collective memory and the tone of the movement? 

	 

	As you mentioned, the Mahsa Amini movement was one of our most important achievements. It fostered a new understanding between different ethnic groups, especially the Kurds and the Arabs. This movement also involved other ethnic groups, as you mentioned, and promoted values and techniques. So this movement was not just about achieving women's rights. 

	 

	We also achieved a significant understanding between ethnic groups after this movement. We are hopeful. We hope to maintain this progress. There are a lot of things happening in the Middle East, especially between Israel and Iran. I hope we are all hopeful, Kurds and Arabs alike. We hope that we can overcome these struggles with solidarity and a central understanding of what is happening. 

	 

	
		“Many women pay this price with their lives. The campaign against the death penalty is one of these powerful campaigns. That is why, when they mobilise society, they change things. The government feels greatly threatened.”


	 

	* As pressure increases, we see an increase in the variety of actions taken by the people. Daily civil disobedience, silent protests, thematic boycotts... How are all these diversifying? How do movements such as the ‘Relatives of the Missing and Detained’ movement have an impact on campaigns against the death penalty?

	 

	Unfortunately, the death penalty is still a form of intimidation in the hands of the government. As you mentioned, it increased significantly last year. We have a movement against the death penalty. However, given the government's current stance on foreign policy and the pressure in the Middle East in general, I hope we can leverage this situation to our advantage and ease the government's pressure.

	 

	I hope that, depending on how we mobilize the campaign against the death penalty, we can get the whole society passionate and worried about it again. Campaigns and discussions about the death penalty are important, at least for now. Thank God campaings stopped them. The passion stays with us, and hopefully, no one will bother society. I think we have to stay focused on this. It's a very important issue, and the increase in the number of executions is unacceptable.

	 

	We have some campaigns in Iran. We are trying to run these campaigns in the diaspora too, of course, although many people think this is pointless, but I think the opposite. After all, our roots are not in the diaspora, and we are running many campaigns within the country too, the strongest of which are the campaigns we are running on women's rights.Because of this, you can see how these campaigns affect people. Many women have paid the ultimate price for these campaigns. The campaign against the death penalty is another powerful campaign. I think we have strong campaigns that, when they start, change things. They don't always achieve the best outcome, but when they start moving, the government feels threatened, and that's good. 

	 

	
		“When you attack a country, you don’t just destroy its buildings, its people and its citizens. You also destroy a significant part of their resistance, their way of thinking about the democratic movement.”


	 

	* You touched upon this, but could you elaborate on how the regional conflicts of 2025, the wave of nationalism that followed Israel's attacks on Iran, and the struggles for rights affected the actions that were beginning? 

	 

	Let me be blunt. Everything has stopped. Everything... The main theme of this attack was the absurdity that it was intended to bring us democracy. They have been coming to the Middle East with this story for years, and we can say that they have ruined everything, and we do not accept this. However, the main and immediate effect of the attack is that the whole society has gone into emergency mode and all campaigns have stopped just before this violent attack. 

	 

	In Iran, workers had very powerful and very violent actions and campaigns. Teachers in Iran had very inspiring campaigns and demonstrations. As soon as the attack happened, they all retreated to their homes. They stopped all these actions because one morning you wake up and see that another country has attacked you for no reason, coming with the argument that you killed their men and destroying everything. The house next to yours is being demolished, your neighbour is being murdered, the city is changing, and everything changes in an instant. 

	 

	This situation certainly affects how you approach the protests. For the first time in recent years, the main topic of conversation among most families is the Islamic Republic's foreign policy. People are wondering whether it ranks well in foreign policy. So, you are attacking and destroying a country with a long history of democratic movements, a country that has made great efforts for democracy, a country that has lost its belief that we can change everything with our own hands. You are not only destroying buildings, peoples and human beings. You are also destroying a significant part of their resistance, their way of thinking about the democratic movement. I believe Israel's attack has had such an effect on our society.

	 

	
		"Solidarity among women in the Middle East has become much more important, and we need to achieve it. If we can establish some kind of solidarity and create an alternative for ourselves, we can survive."


	 

	*International campaigns were launched against all these pressures and death sentences, and many condemnations were issued. But when we return to reality, have you seen any practical benefit from international human rights mechanisms? 

	 

	I guess I can talk about myself. I changed a lot in the last two years, not just because of what happened in Iran and Israel's attack on Gaza. Nowadays, I believe that if, two or three years ago, you wanted to ask a question about women's rights, life, and freedom, you would have. Yes, it failed. You have to do it.  It's important. I don't want to say it's not important now. I want to say that the word is changing, and it's not us saying it's not important. The West is the mechanism behind all these things you're saying. 

	 

	For two years, they have tried so hard to convince us that all of this is useless. They try to tell us that the UN is useless and that the protocols are useless. Everything is useless. Everything we, as Western human rights organizations, are doing is totally useless. They try to tell us this in different ways and very loudly. They say that we are just here for a joke. We are just here to protect the West's most essential interests. We are not here for you, and everything we did before was useless. We made a court for you about the executions in Iran, and we wrote a report about how bad women's rights are in your country. It was a lie because none of it was true. It was for you. It was for us to use to our benefit when we needed it. Otherwise, how could something like what's happening in Gaza for two years happen, and all your mechanisms do nothing about it. 

	 

	We, especially in Iran, have reached this awareness in a very painful way. For example, women fighting in Turkey, ethnic identities probably had this awareness years ago, but today the people in Iran are also seeing it. After watching two years of unrelenting pain and suffering in the Middle East, when you ask me now, how foolish we have been to fail to recognise the dysfunctionality of these mechanisms. This is the awareness we have now reached. At this point, it is in our hands to achieve freedom and rights. We must do this ourselves. That is why solidarity among women in the Middle East has become even more important, and we must achieve it.

	 

	I am not saying this merely as propaganda; we need to understand that it is important. If we can build some kind of solidarity and create an alternative for ourselves, we can survive. Otherwise, they will survive. What they did to Gaza, they will do to all of us.

	 

	“There are stages where we need to work hard on our methodology and philosophy. I believe that Jina actions have great potential. But this depends on how seriously we take this issue. Do we really want to use this opportunity, or not?”

	 

	* Do you think that ‘Jin jiyan azadî’ could or should become a social contract for women worldwide? 

	 

	The core idea of ‘Jin jiyan azadî’ is based on a very powerful ideology and represents a very useful, practical theory for change. This is a very good thing. The thing is, I can say how Kurdish and Turkish women have spread this to other societies, but I think Iranian society, especially the Persians, only understand this slogan and philosophy superficially; they haven't delved deeper, and that's not a problem. But still, if we believe this is a useful methodology, we haven't yet discovered very good ways and methods. We are still trying to find a method of dissemination and internalisation to make it accessible to every woman. Furthermore, this philosophy sometimes faces a kind of resistance when confronted with feminist methodology. They can interact on many issues and protect each other on certain lines. But I think we need to work on many issues in terms of answers. 

	 

	We must not rush. Sometimes we panic and act hastily, resulting in losses. We want to reach the final stage immediately; we want to influence and change the entire political structure at once. To answer your question, I don't think we are at that stage yet. There are stages where we need to work hard on our methodology and philosophy. We have many problems here. We also have very good resources to find answers to these questions, I am talking about Iran. There is the philosophy of ‘Jin jiyan azadî’ that Kurdish women taught us. We have sources of feminism that have come to Iran since the mass killings. However, today, if we want to talk about a real revolution, I think we need to work on methodology and philosophy here. Once we have worked on our philosophy, we can go out into the field with the best method.

	 

	Because for 40 to 60 years after the republican revolution, we did not work on this issue at all, we just carried on, experiencing great excitement and great loss for change. I repeat, great excitement and great loss. 

	 

	I believe that Jîna's actions have great potential. But this depends on how seriously we take this issue. Do we really want to use this opportunity, or not? We believe this could be an answer for all women. So, how should we spread this? How do we want to bridge the gap between this and feminist ideology? Now we need to talk about methodology and philosophy and continue to produce.